TO BORDER OR NOT TO BORDER As we sit, the Senate is stuck. Now more than two hours into a procedural vote that could launch debate on a major foreign aid package, key senators are still searching for a way forward after several days of border-related setbacks. To recap: First Republicans wanted border security measures in exchange for unlocking Ukraine aid. Then they torpedoed the deal that one of their own, Sen. James Lankford of Oklahoma, unveiled on Sunday with Democrats. Now some are requesting votes on border-related amendments in order to take up a bill focused on aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan. The Senate paradox: As things stand, 41 Republican senators are opposing the motion to reconsider, which needs just a simple majority. But the next vote, to actually start the debate process, needs 60 — meaning some Republicans would need to flip. So negotiations are now underway to see if that is possible. Some Republicans said after a rowdy two-hour lunch they were open to moving forward if an amendment deal could be reached, but there are also concerns about attendance at potential weekend votes due to codels. The short version is, the Senate is in limbo with no real clear path on how to proceed. And if you think it makes little sense for Republicans to demand border amendments just moments after tanking a bipartisan border agreement, well, you’re not alone. Sen. Susan Collins (R-Me.) said Wednesday that she’s “hopeful” the Senate can move forward on the standalone foreign aid measure and save any border provisions for the regular, not supplemental, spending process. “There's a regular Homeland Security appropriations bill,” she said when asked what would happen to the funding stripped from the foreign aid package. Speaking of government funding: The next appropriations deadline of March 1 is rapidly approaching, and the Senate is scheduled to go on a two-week recess starting tomorrow — though lawmakers could stick around if a supplemental deal comes together. Senators on both sides do not want to see that deadline (or the March 8 deadline for most agencies) punted again: “Another CR would be unacceptable,” Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) told Ursula on Wednesday. Top House appropriators, meanwhile, are projecting progress, while acknowledging that policy riders could still spark a fight in the coming weeks. Key members in both chambers met this week to discuss resolving differences in their respective bills as the deadlines close in. “The biggest thing will be the riders,” said Rep. Robert Aderholt (R-Ala.), who leads the Labor-HHS-Education panel. “I know we can’t get everything that we want, obviously. … But if the Senate won’t go along with anything that we want, it will just feed into doing a CR, which we don’t want because that wouldn’t be good for any of us.” — Daniella Diaz, with assists from Burgess Everett, Caitlin Emma, Katherine Tully-McManus, and Ursula Perano GOOD EVENING from Leesburg, Virginia, where House Democrats are now gathered for their annual policy retreat. Welcome to Inside Congress, the play-by-play guide to all things Capitol Hill, on this Wednesday, Feb. 7, where your Huddle host thinks this might be the craziest week in Congress since Kevin McCarthy was booted. IMPEACHMENT VIBE CHECK House Republicans suffered an embarrassing setback this week when they failed to impeach Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas. While they might well try again and succeed, Wednesday’s vote was a reality check on their bigger target: impeaching President Joe Biden. GOP investigators want to make a decision as soon as the end of the month on whether or not to pursue impeachment articles against Biden after months of investigating his family’s business deals, the president’s handling of classified documents and the years-long federal investigation into Hunter Biden. But Republicans are starting to acknowledge what’s long been obvious: If impeaching Mayorkas has been hard, trying to boot Biden will be even harder — if not impossible. “Biden impeachment was always going to be tougher,” said Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.), who introduced the impeachment inquiry resolution against Biden last year. Asked if he thought Republicans could still impeach Biden if they can’t even get across the finish line with Mayorkas, Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said: “No.” “If we cannot come together for Mayorkas — it should have been 100 percent,” Norman said, noting that “the conservative base is very frustrated right now.” The math: Republican leaders went into this week with a small handful of their members undecided on impeaching Mayorkas, then watched it crash and burn on the House floor after they miscalculated on attendance. By comparison, dozens of House Republicans are undecided on impeaching Biden, even though it’s a top priority for their base, and there’s little incentive for them get off the fence until leadership forces a vote on the floor. Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) and Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) briefed the Republican Study Committee last week, but they’ve also been careful to not guarantee that they will deliver a Biden impeachment, calling it a decision of the conference. — Jordain Carney and Olivia Beavers
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