The European Union opens a Silicon Valley 'embassy'

From: POLITICO's Digital Future Daily - Tuesday Aug 09,2022 08:00 pm
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By Samuel Stolton

With help from Derek Robertson

The flag of the European Union

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Silicon Valley’s Big Tech firms will soon have a direct line to European Union regulators.

Long-time European Commission bureaucrat Gerard de Graaf will head a new California office, opening September 1st, where he’ll talk to Google, Apple, Meta and other tech firms about how new European rules apply to them.

Europe recently passed two major new regulations, the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act which are both expected to come into force around the end of next year. Among other things, the Digital Services Act will ban targeted advertising aimed at children and will allow European governments to tell social media companies to take down illegal content, with fines that could range into the billions if companies don’t obey. The Digital Markets Act restricts anticompetitive activity by dominant platforms, prohibiting the use of non-public data and the pre-installation of apps and more generally forbidding them from “self-preferencing”, with similarly large fines.

Both bills have been long-coming, and, if they are forcefully implemented, promise to reshape the power balance between enormous technology companies and national governments. But, as always with regulation, the details matter — the negotiations de Graaf’s office will undertake with California firms will be crucial to shaping the future of the internet not just in Europe, but around the globe.

Since 2016, when the EU passed the General Data Protection Regulation, it has arguably become the world’s leading tech regulator. Not only do regulations made there affect nearly half a billion people directly, but Brazil, Japan and India (among others) have modeled their new privacy laws on Europe’s.

But though the GDPR was a landmark, enforcement of the rules was delegated to EU member states. Ireland — the European home of Google and Meta — has struggled to keep up with numerous complaints that Big Tech firms have violated parts of the GDPR.

So the new rules — the DSA and DMA — will be centrally enforced by the European Commission in Brussels, which gives de Graaf, in effect Europe’s ambassador to Silicon Valley, outsize influence. He spent the closing years of the last century as an EU diplomat in Washington DC before returning to Brussels, where he ran an $80 billion R&D program and also worked to remove internal barriers to e-commerce and digital trade. He will have to maintain a fine balance between regulatory disciplinarian and tactful diplomat — at once a supranational drill sergeant and a fledgling innovator with favors to ask.

Though the EU might like being the preeminent internet regulator, it doesn’t want to make enemies of tech firms, who, after all, create jobs and solve problems.

By the end of 2030, the European Commission wants to double its share of global semiconductor production, completely digitize public services, use digital IDs for 80% of European citizens and deploy gigabit-speed connections to every household. De Graaf and his colleagues know they can’t do any of this without the world’s most capable firms — many of whom are based in California.

That said, de Graaf is ready for a fight, if need be, recently telling reporters that he has no doubt that Big Tech will sue to try to weaken the DSA and DMA, and that though the EU would prefer a “constructive discussion” (as befits a newly-named ambassador…) he is ready to take them on.

 

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kent get there from here

Joe Kent speaks during a

Joe Kent speaks during a "Justice For J6" rally. | Nathan Howard/AP

Add one more victory to Peter Thiel ’s ledger: Joe Kent, a former Green Beret and CIA agent who challenged the incumbent in Washington’s 3rd Congressional District from the right after she voted for the impeachment of the former President Trump.

Kent pulled ahead of Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler last night almost a week after the initial vote was held, almost certainly setting him up for a general election contest against Democrat Marie Gluesenkamp Perez in a district most consider safe for Republicans. That makes him, along with high-profile Senate candidates J.D. Vance and Blake Masters, the latest Republican with a fair shot at entering Congress with at the very least a sympathy for Thiel’s brand of hard-right, anti-democratic politics . (Kent’s campaign has its own ties to the extremely-online far-right , including Patriot Prayer, the Proud Boys, and the white nationalist Nick Fuentes, whom Kent later denounced .)

Thiel has donated a vast amount of cash to Trump-friendly Republicans since 2016, and his support of candidates like Masters and Vance has created a sort of synergy with the former president’s endorsements, pushing them over the top in what had otherwise been fiercely competitive primaries. (It should be noted that liberals, too have their own explicitly ideological big-money tech donor doing his best to shape the political landscape — Sam Bankman-Fried, whose rise as a Democratic mega-donor POLITICO’s Elena Schneider profiled last week .) — Derek Robertson

afternoon snack

From the department of “blockchain and intellectual property”: It turns out that, actually, you cannot simply take someone else’s work and sell it under the guise of an NFT.

Ars Technica has an extensive report on the case of the “NiFTy Arcade,” a collection sold in the first week of GameStop’s recently launched NFT marketplace that contained a slate of games that were, themselves, NFTs. The games were pitched as “interactive” and playable through a user’s crypto wallet. The only problem: many of the games weren’t the “Arcade” creator’s to sell. The creator made about $55,000 worth of Ether before GameStop caught on and pulled the plug.

But, of course, there is a blockchain-shaped wrinkle: by virtue of those games being sold as NFTs, their unauthorized instantiations are all still out there, “on the chain,” able to be bought or sold elsewhere without anything GameStop or the games’ creators can easily do about it. It’s a (relatively) low-stakes reminder of how the debate over the “ right to be forgotten ” intersects with the blockchain, whose “trustworthiness” has the potential to cement mistakes, crimes, and worse in the public record. — Derek Robertson

the future in 5 links

Stay in touch with the whole team: Ben Schreckinger ( bschreckinger@politico.com ); Derek Robertson ( drobertson@politico.com ); Konstantin Kakaes ( kkakaes@politico.com ); and Heidi Vogt ( hvogt@politico.com ). Follow us on Twitter @DigitalFuture .

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