Itâs still too early to determine how much, if any, of Washingtonâs worst fears about Elon Muskâs Twitter takeover might come true. But the cheering of Muskâs markedly different approach to social media governance by a loose constellation of his superfans, sympathetic tech-world billionaires and disgruntled conservatives is a novel enough development in its own right. They are not freaked out. They are convinced that Musk is going to succeed, turning a platform that was modestly profitable at best into a money-printing machine that flips the bird, almost literally, to their ideological opponents. âLove him or hate him - but Twitter is a million times better and more fun since @elonmusk took over,â wrote the conservative troll account pseudonymously named — yes, unfortunately — âcatturd2.â The tech-world favorite podcaster Lex Fridman proclaimed that âTwitter is better than Netflix right now.â The VC and writer Mike Solana noted the national pressâ lack of understanding when it comes to Silicon Valley, saying âthere are engineers in SF trying to work at twitter right now entirely because they think it might be hard,â something political writers âgenuinely can not fathom.â In short: Liberals and even many establishment conservatives simply donât get the philosophy that Musk is bringing to Twitter, and their dismay at his changes to it is proof enough in itself. That makes Muskâs ownership of Twitter more than just a billionaireâs vanity project or a tech-world skirmish over moderation. Itâs a window into a distinct mindset, common to Silicon Valley but not exclusively of it, that glorifies individual dynamism over group consensus-building; frontier-like, suck-it-up-buttercup speech norms over crowd-pleasing moderation; and out-of-fashion ideas about the â wisdom of crowds â over the prescriptions of âexperts.â The result is a new-school twist on tech libertarianism that merges that worldâs cult of the âfounderâ with modern conservative critiques of liberal institutions. Itâs not dissimilar from the business-friendly-with-an-asterisk, culture-warring form of conservatism practiced by Gov. Ron DeSantis in his â Free state of Florida ,â but its fans arenât limited just to red states — just check your Twitter feed. Antonio GarcĂa MartĂnez, an author and tech entrepreneur, summed up this mindset and its grievances well in a Twitter thread that declared Muskâs takeover a ârevolt by entrepreneurial capital against the professional-managerial class regime that otherwise everywhere dominates (including and especially large tech companies).â In other words: A revolt by billionaires against ... their own employees. This positions, in MartĂnezâs grievance-bearing parlance, the âHR regime, the ESG grifters , the Skittles-hair people with mouse-clicking jobs who think themselves bold social crusaders rather than a parasitic weight around any organizationâs neck,â against another Twitter gadfly âs hypothetical â100 passionate libertarian engineersâ with equity in the company, capable of turning it around overnight by the sweat of their brow and sheer self-interest — and who, implicitly, believe theyâre capable of graduating from âemployeeâ to Musk-like moguldom overnight through hard work and a lucky break. Those engineers, along with right-leaning figures in the tech world like Musk and his close friend David Sacks, a venture capitalist and adviser on the Twitter project, share a classically libertarian passion for free speech and free markets. Where that tried-and-true, bottom-right-of-the-political-compass mindset finds its modern twist is in the particular conflict that MartĂnez describes: Prime movers like Musk now struggle not just against the greedy, parasitic welfare bureaucrats of Ayn Randâs imagination, but a cultural regime that seeks to cement its dominance through corporate governance (not to mention academia and the media). A dynamic âbuilder,â after all, is nothing without a foil to struggle against — and all things considered, post-Reagan America is still pretty damn friendly to capital. The story of Silicon Valley since the 1980s is one of unfettered freedom and â permissionless innovation ,â with a few notable exceptions . That level of comfort could be what leads a self-described âfree speech absolutistâ like Musk to muse about his support for DeSantis, a man who used the power of the state to punish one of its major employers for ⌠speaking out against legislation it didnât like. The libertarians and culture warriors now have the same target: â woke capital .â Read the rest of the story here at POLITICO Magazine.
|